“Mass extrajudicial executions” is exactly what the ruler did at the beginning of his enthronement.
Aliaksandr Lukashenka likes to call himself the savior of Belarusians from anarchy, hunger and death since his assumption of the presidency of the Republic of Belarus.
At a press conference in October 2013 for the Russian media, he proudly admitted that at the beginning of his presidency he “radically” destroyed robbery and assaults on the Moscow-Berlin highway.
To do this, several special groups were sent there, which “shot dead on the spot all the bandits who resisted. Three groups were destroyed. And ever since, it has been all quietly and peacefully.”
On April 24, 2018, during a message to the people, he again boasted that in the early years of his presidential life, he “sent a handful of reliable people with machine guns, who shot half of them and put things in order within a month.” He justified such atrocities by the fact that “a bandit only understands if you speak his language with him.”
At the meeting on December 5, 2019, Mr. Lukashenka simply explained his mission: “It was necessary to save the people, it was necessary to save the country and restore order instantly. We did it in one month, by sorting out the gangs issue.” No matter how some chiefs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs tried to sneak out of it, when I demanded that they must destroy the gangs in Minsk. There were 32 of them, I still remember. And we finished them throughout the year.”
So, Mr. Lukashenka has repeatedly admitted that at the beginning of his presidency he wanted to “save” Belarusians and “restore order in the country instantly” by shooting people dead on the spot. He himself admits that he spoke with the bandits in their own language, i.e. in the language of force, in a gangster way, no matter how hard they resisted this method of instant reprisal in the police.
People are shot on the spot, without trial, usually during war, but in the early years of Mr. Lukashenka’s presidency, no martial law, no state of emergency, no curfew was imposed, especially in connection with the threat of criminality.
In 1996, on the operational record of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus, there were about 300 groups of gangs consisting of up to 3 thousand people. There were an average of 10 people per gang, and about 100 people in large cities. It turns out that by order of A. Lukashenka, about 15 people were killed on the central highway, and up to 300 people in Minsk. That is, a mass murder has been committed.
Lukashenka never said that he personally ordered his loyal machine gunners to capture gang leaders to paralyze the rest of the criminal gang with fear.
Lukashenka never said that he demanded to arrest all the participants of the old gangs to judge them publicly in compliance with the criminal law, with the formation of evidence, with the establishment of the degree and severity of guilt of each attacker.
Lukashenka speaks openly, loudly and with pride for what he has done, that he created ordinary gang groups according to the rules of the criminal world, that he personally deliberately and systematically sent out these armed killers to destroy objectionable people without trial, beyond the pale of the law, right on the spot.
Lukashenka does not reveal the place of mass executions, nor the names of those killed, nor the names of their killers, members of secret fighter groups, or death squads.
Mr. Lukashenka does not admit in his revelations that he violated the Constitution as amended on March 15, 1994, which he vowed to abide by upon assuming the presidency.
Article 24 of this Constitution obliges all state institutions and officials to protect “human life from any unlawful encroachment” and apply the death penalty “only according to a court verdict”.
Mr. Lukashenka also neglected Article 25 of the Constitution, which permits the deprivation of personal liberty of everyone only in the manner prescribed by law, and which requires that the legality of detentions and arrests must be verified.
Article 26 of the same Constitution attributes justice only to the competence of the court, and considers guilty of a crime only those whose guilt will be proved “in the manner prescribed by law, and established by a court verdict that has entered into legal force”.
Lukashenka did not introduce order, but violated the public order established by the Constitution, which he swore to strictly obey. He did not ensure order, but destabilized the rule of law in the country, prescribed in the Constitution and other laws.
What order? Article 15 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Republic of Belarus as amended on July 19, 1999 requires all state bodies and officials to only identify criminals and hold them accountable for a court ordering a lawful, justified and fair sentence, and even more so in the process of public proceedings.
Mr. Lukashenka, therefore, committed intentionally anti-constitutional, unlawful acts with the appropriation of the functions of a court, without observing the prescribed standards of justice.
This official crime is referred to in the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus as amended in 1961-1999 as arbitrariness (Article 196), that is iniquity, arbitrary conduct, as unauthorized appropriation of the rank and power of an official (Article 190), who conducted and supervised a deliberately unlawful arrest or detention (Article 171), which intentionally and repeatedly pronounced “knowingly unjust decision or verdict ”(Article 173, Part 2) under assumptions or idle speculations (Article 16 of the Code of Criminal Procedures).
The Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus, signed by Mr. Lukashenka himself, unambiguously interprets the acts committed by him and his machine gunners as “banditry” (Article 74), as “intentional murder” (Articles 100 and 101), coupled with the abduction (Articles 123) and the seizure of people (Article 124) as part of a “criminal organization” (Article 74 Part 2) by prior conspiracy with accomplices to such a criminal organization (Article 17 Part 1-2), as an encroachment on life (Article 189), and in sum as serious crimes against humanity (Article 7).
The head of such a criminal organization of killers, according to Part 1 of Article 17 of the Criminal Code, “bears responsibility for all crimes committed by the group”.
The Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus as amended on July 9, 1999 in Article 128 provides for death (execution) “mass or systematic extrajudicial executions” - exactly what Lukashenka did with his machine gunners at the beginning of his reign.
He himself admits that he resolutely rejected the hesitation and objections of some police chiefs against the need for extrajudicial terror. Now there is no consolation in the presence of even scanty resistance in the ranks of the law enforcement officers.
For all 20 years, this entire law enforcement system with the Constitutional Court, the Investigatory Committee, the courts, etc., has been jointly demonstrating silence and tranquility in its ranks to mass lawlessness, banditry, sadism, elevated to the rank of state policy, building a system of governance and power based on fear, overindulgence, and impunity.
Why was only one M. Hladki explained by this machine from top to bottom that pleading guilty “is enough to resolve a criminal case”?
The goal of any terrorist is to intimidate, frighten, escalate fear in society. And in this brilliant case, the new head of the country demonstrated who is now the owner of the territory and without any hesitation, the ceremonies showed that he would rule in the autocratic, “tough, cruel way”, as befits a satrap and despot, and that “there will be no mercy for anyone” ( December 15, 2010 at a meeting in Minsk).
In 1996 and 1997 he stated that he would not “look for a mass of evidence” for reprisal against objectionable persons, but simply “tear off his head” without machine guns. He publicly represents public silence and tranquility in the form of a tomb-like voicelessness, the tomb where people are sent by force, not because of old age.
Lukashenka, in his confession, justifies the killing of people by the need for “restoring order” to “ensure general security”.
And this does not sound absurd, since the chairman of the so-called standing committee of the House of Representatives L. Mikhalkova recently stated that the death row is classified “for securing public peace and security”.
If their murderers are national saviors, then why didn’t they establish the Walk of Fame and stamp all their names on it in gold letters, why they didn’t have a hall in the museum of the history of modern Belarus, why streets and farms have not been named after them, why their names are not read out after each anthem of the country for the sake of which they performed their “heroic deeds”?
If criminality was ended in a year by the secret executions committed by death squads, then why haven't all prisons been empty in 20 years?
Mr. Lukashenka, in his self-praise, connects the collapse of the country, the hunger and poverty of Belarusians with the actions of gangs. Then why, as a result of their radical elimination, the Belarusian economy has not become a global model of prosperity, and corruption remains indestructible?
If extrajudicial liquidation of people is so useful in the implementation of public order, then why is this brilliant experience not replicated as a model of public administration?
What kind of fanaticism you need to call the cemetery silence in the society, nameless cemeteries of those innocently killed by the demonstration of stability and silence in the society, as good.
But shouldn't you be struck by the thunderous applause of the audience, which on January 10, 2020 in Minsk applauded the ruler’s words that he “without blood” built an independent state with God's help.
Will they all continue to hide behind the name of God?
Yauhen Anischanka, Our Opinion