Resignation of the tyrant and new elections.
The last thing in politics is to allow the enemy to impose his agenda, plans, and scenario of the development of events.
These are the basics of political struggle.
This situation means an inevitable defeat in any political environment, even the most comfortable and regulated by laws.
When it comes to the fight against tyranny, then such a mistake leads to catastrophic consequences, prisons, and deaths.
Why, then, today, those who have assumed the responsibility to speak on behalf of the Belarusian people have so swiftly followed this most losing path? I have no intelligible explanation.
Judge for yourself.
The dictator announces that he wants to rewrite the constitution for himself - right there in the headquarters of Tsikhanouskaya, they write the constitution. For what? After all, we have already reached a public consensus that new elections should be held in accordance with the 1994 Constitution.
If Lukashenka is allowed to remain in power, he will change the constitution as he pleases, no matter what alternative projects exist.
The dictator announces the holding of his meeting, an absolutely illegal gathering of "deaf consonants" - and the work on organizing alternative events begins to boil immediately.
Reluctance to think or misunderstanding? I don't know, honestly.
The tyrant announces a referendum, his favorite toy, with the help of which he usurped power and became a dictator, and again at Tsikhanouskaya's headquarters, as if mocking common sense, they talk about some kind of popular referendum.
All Lukashenka's predictable steps are immediately taken up, and on behalf of the opposition, some caricatured and weak alternatives are proposed, but they imitate the dictator's scenario. Thus, the alternative in words turns into an event that legitimizes Lukashenka's illegal attempts to retain power.
If Lukashenka is allowed to remain in power, who will be able to implement his plan: the dictator or the opposition? The question is rhetorical.
The proposed measures to counter Lukashenka's plans have nothing to do with the law and its implementation or with the fight against the regime. In addition, for the most part, they are virtual in nature.
It turns out to be a cynical situation: imitation of politics will be carried out in the virtual space, and in the offline world, Lukashenka, who only benefits from virtual fuss, will beat, torture, and kill civilians.
I don't want to think about malicious intent, but the proposed measures completely change the initial strategy of the opposition, its two main points - Lukashenka's resignation and new elections, not to mention the release of all political prisoners.
How will an alternative virtual "gathering," a draft constitution (which, I assure you, no one is interested in today), and a vague referendum help achieve resignation and elections? The question is not rhetorical. The answer is: it can't!
The overwhelming majority of voters voted for Svistlana Tsikhanouskaya as the only alternative at that time. They voted because there was a clarity of position: the tyrant's resignation and new elections as soon as possible.
These points constitute today the people's strategy of resistance. No leader, real or self-appointed, is allowed to change it.
The protesting people of Belarus have become the real leader today, and it is the duty of all politicians and public figures to help the protests achieve their goal with all their might and all available means.
What is needed for this?
First, tough sanctions against the regime, including financial, economic, trade, and sports, are needed. This issue requires less upfront banging and more real work. We need a single voice of all opposition forces, the real opposition, on the issue of sanctions. It should not be allowed that various kinds of "bleaches" affect these issues, as it was before. Although, even with the active resistance of the "bleaches" in 2011-2012, the sanctions were stronger than at the moment. Today, the Magnitsky Act and its analog in the European Union allow for the prompt introduction of sanctions lists. We must urgently take full advantage of this.
Secondly, preparation and initiation of several procedures for prosecuting perpetrators of crimes against humanity in individual countries and international organizations are needed.
Thirdly, real, and not propaganda, communication with the security forces and officials are needed. Offering money in exchange for "frank confession" of crimes is immoral, offends protesters, and helps punishers. It is necessary to help those who have decided to go over to the people's side to join active protests.
Fourth, the continuation of efforts to organize a nationwide strike and aid strikers are needed.
Fifth, the increased pressure of the Belarusian diaspora on politicians in their countries with the demand to ensure a tough political line against the Lukashenka dictatorship is needed, to immediately release all political prisoners, stop violence against civilians, and conduct an international investigation of the regime's crimes against humanity.
Today Belarus needs a public lockdown, which Dzmitry Bandarenka spoke about. We need to save the elderly, re-establish aid to doctors, stop going to restaurants and cafes, limit our actions, keep our children out of school, and stop going to universities. Society should simply repeat, copy the actions of neighboring countries, the European Union countries, to combat the spread of the covid epidemic, especially since a new dangerous strain has emerged that comes from Britain.
How often do we hear the calls: "We must all unite!" We are also often convinced that such calls are just expressions and do not even hint at real unification.
Today, an opportunity has opened up for everyone to unite with the people, to help implement the people's strategy: the resignation of the tyrant and new elections!
Andrei Sannikau, Facebook