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Andrei Sannikov: Belarus Can Be Quickly Reformed, Russia Will Always Remain A Catastrophe

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Andrei Sannikov: Belarus Can Be Quickly Reformed, Russia Will Always Remain A Catastrophe

The Belarusian regime is a threat to Europe.

Leader of the European Belarus civil campaign Andrei Sannikov, in an interview with the Spanish publication “El Mundo”, spoke about the threat the Lukashenka regime poses to Europe, and why Belarus can be quickly reformed.

“Andrei Olegovich Sannikov, born in 1954 in Minsk, Belarusian politician, candidate in the 2010 presidential elections. From 1995 to 1996 he was Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. He advocates the country's integration into the European Union. He believes that Europe should more decisively support Belarus in order to stop dictator Aliaksandr Lukashenka,” noted El Mundo journalist Xavier Colas, who spoke with the politician.

— Can Lukashenka pose a threat to Europe?

— This is already a threat to Europe, I have warned about this for a long time. And we are not even talking about human rights or democracy, we are talking about a threat to the security of the continent. Russia needed a Belarusian bridgehead for an attack on Kyiv, because the main target was the Ukrainian capital, and I think that it remains so for Putin. This war has been prepared for a long time, including in Belarus, starting in 2009, when “West” maneuvers began to be held on our territory. These were the largest military exercises since the Soviet Union. And the first scenario that was played out during these exercises included a nuclear strike on Warsaw and a tank breakthrough through the Suwalki corridor to separate the Baltic countries from the rest of Europe.

— Can Lukashenka send his troops to Ukraine?

— Decisions on such issues are made not by Lukashenka, but by Putin. The only reason why Putin does not make such a decision is the Belarusian people. They are actually afraid of protests if Belarusians are sent to Ukraine for slaughter. The Lukashenka regime is hateful; it rules the country only through violence and repression. And in general, there is no support for military action in Belarus in any form. We have too many traumas associated not only with the Second World War, but also with Afghanistan, because the first units were sent to Afghanistan in 1979 from Belarus. The Soviet authorities kept everything secret, but coffins began to arrive in Belarus from Afghanistan: they were buried in secret, but we knew what was happening.

— What do you think will happen to Lukashenka if Putin forces him to join the war in Ukraine?

— He has already put Belarus under attack. There are aggressor troops on our territory, there was a Wagner base. Thus, the territory of Belarus has become a likely target for the Ukrainian armed forces. If there is a military invasion from our territory, I think the Ukrainians will strike Russian units and corresponding Belarusian targets.

— What are the main differences between the regimes of Putin and Lukashenka?

— Our countries are different. They want to be above everyone, without having any reason for this, to rule the world, mainly through violence. They are not interested in developing and modernizing; all their power lies in large reserves of oil and gas. The Lukashenka regime goes to great lengths to stay in power. Putin, in fact, is his student. He came to power after Lukashenka, when he was already called a dictator, and began to use the same methods. In Russia, selective sentences for opposition leaders appeared, and the practice of torture and threats began to spread. It was an absolute copy of what Lukashenka has done and is doing. But the regimes are different: Lukashenka’s regime is more personalistic, everything revolves around him. In the case of Putin, there are different groups of influence.

— How do you imagine Russia after Putin and how do you imagine Belarus after Lukashenka?

— Russia is a catastrophe and will remain so for another 100 years, if not more, even after Putin. Belarus is quite easy to manage. Lukashenka demonstrated this controllability from a negative point of view, and we will show that controllability will be a significant positive factor in carrying out reforms. We know how to obey the laws, we even stop at red traffic lights when we protest.

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