Estonia’s Ex-Minister Of Reforms: Imposing Sanctions Against Lukashenka Regime Is Definitely What International Community Can Do

The key to changing the situation is in our hands.

In terms of development, Estonia is one of the most successful countries in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, this became possible thanks to effective reforms immediately after gaining independence.

How did Estonia manage to achieve this level of well-being? What can Belarus borrow from the Estonian experience for successful development after the victory over the dictatorial regime?

The website Charter97.org spoke about this with the ex-Minister of Reforms of Estonia, senior expert of the E-Governance Academy and chairman of the committee for the final text of the Constitution of Estonia Liia Hänni.

- You were the Minister of Reform of Estonia from 1992 to 1995, almost immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union. How important was this period for reforms, and distancing from Soviet methods of government?

- I was the minister of the first constitutional government after the restoration of Estonia's independence. This summer we are celebrating an important event - the 30th anniversary of our country's re-independence. The government was headed by Mart Laar, a very young and energetic Prime Minister at the time. It is worth noting that then the government was sharply criticized. The reforms were very painful for the population, but now the time has passed, and many in Estonia recognize that the changes were absolutely necessary. I believe that any politician should do what is needed for the country in the first place, without thinking about popularity. A politician must fulfill their mission.

- What were the main achievements of your ministry during this period?

- I need to clarify I did not have my own ministry. My role as Deputy Prime Minister was to coordinate the activities of various ministries to implement the transformation of property rights. The purpose of property reform was to end the dominance of state property by privatization. In this process all ministries were involved. I managed to ensure that the reforms were carried out in all sectors: land ownership, privatization of enterprises, agricultural reform and others. I was there for less than 3 years, and this was not enough to carry out all the reform processes, but putting this train on the rails was my main goal. The concept of property transformation was very specific, because it was not only privatization of state assets, but also restitution of ownership rights of pre-war owners. It was not an easy task, but we in Estonia decided that we could not restore the rule of law without solving an important problem: not all property, for example, land, belonged to the state on a legal basis.

Nationalization of land, was illegal action of the Soviet Union. It was necessary to restore justice, and one of my tasks was to ensure the smoothness of this process. There were many difficulties, but I am glad that Estonia is considered the country that carried out transformation of ownership in accordance with the law.

Of course, I cannot say that the process was absolutely corruption-free, but at least there were no cases of political or large-scale corruption. It was hard for Estonian people, many still think that the Minister of Reforms is somehow to blame for that difficult transition time , but I am sure that for the good of the society it was necessary to implement radical reforms.

How did Estonia manage to become one of the most successful European Baltic states out of a post-Soviet republic?

Speed of reforms is certainly important. There is a limited time when radical reforms can be implemented after change of power. If you miss this time, it will become more and more difficult to make radical changes.

In 1990 we elected two representative bodies in Estonia - the Supreme Council (renamed Supreme Soviet) and the Congress of Estonia. I was a member of both. Estonian Congress represented the citizens of the pre-war Republic of Estonia; the Supreme Council was the representative body of the whole population of Estonia. These two elected bodies entered into an agreement on the restoration of the Republic of Estonia based on legal continuity of Estonian statehood starting from 1918. I would like to note that Estonia did not declare independence immediately after the first free elections in March 1990 but the transition period to independence. Maybe because of that, we did not have bloody events like those in Lithuania in January 1991. We declared independence when the putsch took place in Moscow, when there was no one to negotiate with.

It is important to understand the further course of development of Estonia after declaration of restitution of independence. We decided to write the new Constitution, and established the Constitutional Assembly, which included 30 members of the Supreme Council and 30 members of the Congress of Estonia. Some people say that I am “the mother of the Estonian Constitution” because I was the chairperson of the committee for the final text of the Basic Law. Of course, I am very proud that our Constitution is considered successful. It protects the rights and freedoms of people and democratic structures in our country. I believe that Estonia's success in demolishing remnants of Soviet system began precisely with enforcement of the new Constitution. The modern state was created practically from scratch and did not rely on any Soviet structures.

The development of multiparty political systems is also essential for democracy. Our election system is built in such a way that the formation of a multi-party parliament is supported. In Estonia we always have a coalition government. State power in the hands of one political party may be dangerous for democracy.

Today you are a senior expert at the E-Governance Academy. Please tell us about this organization and its activities.

When I left politics, my former colleague in the parliament invited me to join the staff of the E-Governance Academy. This is a nongovernmental organization founded in 2003 by three private persons - enthusiasts of using information and communication technologies (ICT) for good governance.

My role was to start a program on e-democracy with the aim of using technology not only for public services, but also to facilitate citizen participation in the policy-making process. E-Governance Academy recently hosted a large international online conference. We work with over 100 countries to help governments implement various ICT initiatives that are essential for e-government, such as digital identity and interoperable information systems. So, we are very busy now because COVID-19 has shown how important it is to have all government operations online. In our organization we have very experienced people, so I am very glad to be part of the team supporting the digital development around the world.

Why is it important today to help the public sector and civil society organizations in digital transformation?

Governments as well civil society benefit from the use of ICT. Estonia as an e-state is a good example of that. We tell and teach others what we did in Estonia. We have a basic understanding of what e-government really means. This is a very important knowledge. The issues of Internet security and privacy protection are also very relevant now. In Estonia we have been able to develop a secure infrastructure that protects people and businesses from malicious technologies.

It is worth noting the success of Estonia in promoting the IT sector in the country, many call Estonia “the new Silicon Valley”. How did a country that, like Belarus, was relatively recently part of the USSR, manage to achieve such success? What innovations have helped Estonia?

When we restored independence of Estonia, the question immediately arose of how we can accelerate the development of the country? If we compared ourselves, for example, with Finland, then Estonia was far behind in all aspects. It was a brilliant idea from genius people like Toomas Hendrik Ilves, who later became President of Estonia: to use ICT as an accelerator and create concrete programs supporting the use of ICT by society.

It all started in 1996 with the Tiger Leap program which aimed to computerize all schools in Estonia. Based on my experience, I can say that if the younger generation is interested in something like technology, it encourages the whole society to move forward.

Of course, the use of ICT in society was not a leap, it was a gradual process facilitated by the government and private sector. The quality online services have convinced people of the value of digital channels. Use of digital public services is not obligatory, we still have traditional systems in place. However, people are realizing that it is much more convenient to use digital channels, for example, for legal transactions with digital ID. It saves a lot of money for business. Gradually, we got so used to this digital society and government that we cannot imagine our life without this component.

Can you tell us about the Estonian Internet voting project? How effective is this system, and why is it needed today?

Estonian internet voting system was first implemented in 2005 during local elections. Now Estonia conducts internet voting in all elections. When we started, it was used by a very small percentage of the population, now almost half of Estonian voters use electronic voting.

At the beginning, we had a debate in parliament on constitutional issues related to electronic voting. The Supreme Court ruled that the new voting method is in conformity with the Constitution. We believed that online voting would help to attract voters, but in fact, participation in elections has increased by only 2-3%. There are other reasons why people do not vote. Today we look at internet voting as an essential way of vote casting in digital society. Many Estonians live abroad and it is very convenient for them to take part in Estonian elections via the Internet.

Estonian e-voting system is based on secure digital infrastructure of the country - such as digital identity and well protected information systems. Security of internet voting is still a concern in many countries. However, due to the COVID pandemic there is a growing interest towards internet voting.

How can the e-voting system and online elections affect the democratization process in Belarus?

The task of the democratic government is to serve people and to facilitate participation in elections. Introduction of Internet voting is a complex process - a country should have good ICT infrastructure with secure digital identity in use. However, the most important precondition for internet voting is trust in the government.

Representatives of the IT sector and the “creative class” played a significant role in the Belarusian protests that began in the summer of 2020. How do you assess the events that took place in our country after the August 9 elections?

I have never been to Belarus, but I have met with people from your country. Belarusian CSOs have visited Estonia during joint projects. Your ICT people are very talented. Belarus has a very good potential to use technology for the benefit of society.

It is important to provide alternative channels of communication in society which are not controlled by the authoritarian government. Clear and truthful picture of what is happening not only in the country, but also in the international arena, is very needed. I know that your online community is very active in this regard, be proud and go ahead!

Do non-democratic regimes have any chances in the fight against progress and high technologies? What are the weaknesses of dictatorial state systems?

Non-democratic regimes also use technology for their own purposes, such as surveillance systems. They are doing everything to stay in power. Removing them from power is a hard task. Due to the more open communication, people understand that a different life is possible. Authoritarian leaders, as a rule, are not loved by people. For a nation it is a matter of pride, not to five up the dream of freedom.

In Estonia there is also a great hope that your revolution will succeed. It is important to recognize the window of opportunity and use it. It does not mean you have to sit and wait for the right moment. No, this is a preparation for the crucial moment when the authoritarian regime can be overthrown. Civic engagement is essential for the change. The leaders of the European Union may apply sanctions and strongly criticize your government, but the real change can only be brought about by the Belarussian society itself.

Lukashenka used military aircraft to force a Ryanair civilian plane to land at Minsk airport. The international community called these actions “an act of state terrorism” and “air piracy”. How do you assess what happened in the skies over Belarus on May 23? What should be the sanctions of Western countries against a regime that allows the possibility of shooting down a plane carrying 126 passengers over its territory?

It seems unbelievable that a government can act this way. It was a demonstration of what the Lukashenka regime is really like. I think the world has realized how dangerous the regime is not only for people in Belarus, but for the entire world. What are the sanctions? This is a very difficult question, because the intention is to punish the authoritarian regime, not the Belarusian people. Finding this balance is a complicated question.

I think the recent EU decision on new sanctions is a proper start. What is more important is how the people of Belarus will react to this event. What is your opinion? How do you as a nation feel when your government acts like a terrorist organization?

Recently, the Belarusian authorities banned the large news website tut.by, after which Charter’97 Editor-in-Chief Natallia Radzina called on all leaders of the Belarusian opposition to demand economic sanctions against the regime. How effective are broad economic sanctions, including isolation from international financial support and modern technology, against such regimes?

These sanctions, of course, have an impact, but it is difficult to say whether they will change the situation in Belarus. We have already seen sanctions against Russia and Belarus, but these regimes are strong in the sense that they do not care about the consequences of the sanctions as much as expected. Sanctions are what the international community can do, but the change is in the hands of the Belarusian people themselves.

What can Belarus learn from the experience of Estonia in the future to build a new democratic state?

Our experience shows that a very strong political will is needed to reform the country. The transformation to democracy does not happen by itself. Democratic forces should be ready to work together against authoritarian regime and have a joint strategy to lead the country after the victory of revolution. At a difficult time in Estonia, we were inspired by the slogan "Once we win anyway!“. Believe that this moment will come.

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